Unavailable for purchase. Continue shopping Checkout Continue shopping. Sort By: Bestsellers. More dangerous are the common men, the functionaries ready to believe and to act without asking questions. The Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies by Guenter Lewy Roaming the countryside in caravans, earning their living as musicians, peddlers, and fortune-tellers, the Gypsies and their elusive way of life represented an affront to Nazi ideas of social order, hard work, and racial purity.
They were branded as "asocials," harassed, and eventually herded into concentration camps where many thousands were killed. But until now the story of their persecution America in Vietnam by Guenter Lewy Based on a variety of classified military records, Lewy provides the first systematic analysis of the course of the Vietnam War, the reasons for the failure of American strategy and tactics, and the causes of the final collapse of South Vietnam.
Between and , the Hitler regime orchestrated a massive campaign to take control of all forms of communication. In , there were 90 book burnings in 70 German cities.
People also read
Indeed, Werner Schlegel, an official in the Ministry of Propaganda, called the book burnings "a symbol of the False Consciousness An Essay on Mystification by Guenter Lewy In this book, Guenter Lewy explains and critiques the idea of false consciousness - that people living under capitalism do not know their best interests. This idea was prevalent in the writings of nineteenth century Marxism, modern communism, and the New Left. Lewy applies what German scholars call Ideologiekritik to the Marxian concept of ideology or false consciousness itself, to demystify the Assisted Death in Europe and America Four Regimes and Their Lessons by Guenter Lewy Advances in medical treatment now enable physicians to prolong life to a previously unknown extent, however in many instances these new techniques mean not the saving of life but prolonging the act of dying.
In the eyes of many, medical technology has run out of control and contributes to unnecessary suffering. Hence the demand has arisen that patients should be entitled to choose death when pain But in line It can refer to the behavior of individuals suggesting that someone who is or becomes an unbeliever will conduct himself immorally. Alternatively, the saying can pertain to the moral character of an entire country and mean a society that rejects God is doomed to moral decay.
Guenter Lewy presents a few of Hitler: Hubris by Ian Kershaw Hailed as the most compelling biography of the German dictator yet written, Ian Kershaw's Hitler brings us closer than ever before to the heart of its subject's immense darkness. From his illegitimate birth in a small Austrian village to his fiery death in a bunker under the Reich chancellery in Berlin, Adolf Hitler left a murky trail, strewn with contradictory tales and overgrown with self-created Evans series The History of the Third Reich 1 "The clearest and most gripping account I've read of German life before and during the rise of the Nazis.
Were such liaisons encouraged by the U. These are interesting questions for another day. Sacred Interests is excellent for its close study of the impact of religious belief on U. Walther tells a nuanced story, presents complex ideas clearly, gives depth to her characters, and graces her text with expressive examples and quotes.
It is a compelling study that should reach a broader audience than just diplomatic historians. Walther argues that imagined hierarchies in discourses of race, religion, and civilization shaped U. Americans perceived the actions of Muslims as driven primarily by their religious beliefs, rather than understanding the nuances of local conditions. They saw Muslim societies and polities across the globe uniform. Walther examines a mix of State Department cables, private letters, and public statements from missionaries, and a number of different periodicals. Walther argues, however, that rhetoric and perceptions of Islam forged in that debate remained persistent, including during the Cretan rebellion of During the Bulgarian rebellion of the s, a network of American missionaries used close ties to the State Department and pressed to shape American and British views of the conflict.
Walther shows the ways in which American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [ABCFM] missionaries and members of the Robert College staff worked with diplomats and sent influential reports home that perpetuated images of uncivilized, violent Muslims. The second section, which focuses on the ways Jews in the United States and in the Middle East sought to use and reshape tropes of Islam, is a fascinating new approach. Walther traces the emergence of transnational Jewish activism to fight discrimination in the late s, particularly in France, but also in U.
She argues that American Jews used the ideas of civilization and religious hierarchy by claiming a higher, more civilized status for themselves in comparison to Muslims. American Jews hoped that this claim could win them inclusion in a secularized U. Jewish activists lobbied the U.
Walther ends this section by examining American involvement in the Algeciras Conference, which President Theodore Roosevelt justified in part as protection for persecuted Jews ruled by an uncivilized government. Walther argues that Americans could easily justify violence against Muslim groups by using tropes of their lack of civilization and savagery.
She also points out the close ties between missionaries, business interests, and U. Army officers that shaped the American civilizing mission in the southern Philippines. The religious hierarchy Americans reified would continue even under the gradual transition to Filipino rule during the s and s. Walther demonstrates connections between American views of Muslims and U. She also connects the activities of U. While this book focuses primarily on the creation and mobilization of ideologies or cultural tropes, it raises a number of questions regarding the uncertain process of turning ideology or public activism into policy.
In many of the cases Walther explores, media exposure or public protests failed to generate a meaningful policy response. By noting the complicated intersections between American ideas of Islam and specific political circumstances or bedrock foreign policy principles such as non-entanglement, Walther creates a nuanced picture, based on a blend of diplomatic sources alongside missionary publications or newspaper stories, of persistent ideologies that are negotiated in the real world. While this is understandable given the large global and temporal scope of the book, undoubtedly further explanation to demonstrate how Muslims talked about Americans or worked to shape U.
Examination of the role of Arab Christians as interlocutors both in the Middle East and as immigrants in the United States occurs in examples such as Saleeby but perhaps could be expanded. Overall, by showing the persistence of American attitudes towards Islam in shaping U. Walther combines elements of scholarship on religion, humanitarianism, and empire across a series of case studies with a global rather than a regional lens.
This book joins several recent dissertations and publications by Sarah Miglio, Keith Watenpaugh, Omar Dphrepaulezz, and others in opening up new explorations of Islam, the role of non-state actors, and humanitarian intervention in the Philippines and the Armenian Genocide.
This narrative assumes U. While using the analytical lens of religion, Walther contends the religious discourse of non-state actors reveals remarkable continuity between contemporary bias against Islam and the history of nineteenth and early twentieth-century American beliefs about Islamic religion and culture. Walther offers a provocative re-telling of American foreign relations with Muslims that expands our understanding of how domestic and international affairs shaped one another.
Sacred Interests clarifies the primacy of culture and beliefs in shaping American encounters with Islam. This work serves as a model for carefully sourced argumentation and an impressive bibliography in scope and range. Her willingness to read the culture for patterns of thought allows for an appropriate expansion of what may be classified as political, or politically relevant, on the part of historical agents who are often discounted or ignored for their roles outside official state action. For all of these methodological reasons, Sacred Interests will function as a valuable resource of transnational history and post-colonial theory.
Walther employs multiple case studies that offer widely divergent cultural and political contexts including multiple Ottoman imperial provinces, the North African nation of Morocco and the Philippine Islands in East Asia. She opens with the Greek War for Independence and traces from the fictive kinship American philhellenes crafted between Greece and the United States in order to justify American intervention on behalf of the Greek revolutionaries who were resisting Ottoman Muslim imperialism chapter 1.
The next chapter contrasts the American framing of Ottoman violence against Bulgarians in religious terms with the Ottoman attempts to resist nationalist uprisings and prevent the loss of their colonial holdings chapter 2. Walther explores the American Jewish repurposing of orientalist rhetoric to highlight the civilizational superiority of Jews in contrast to Muslims chapters She then examines the direct colonial rule and encounters of Americans with Filipinos with a close analysis of the different treatment given to Christian and Muslim Filipinos chapters Walther returns to the Ottoman Empire with a close case study of the American humanitarian and political responses to the Armenian Massacres and Genocide chapters Each of these case studies—from Greece, to Bulgaria, Morocco, the Philippine Islands and the Armenians in Turkey—reveals the persistent appeal and power of civilizational and religious rhetoric in the shaping of the American imagination of Islamic people and cultures.
The theme of American anti-Islamic discourse as grounds for humanitarian and political intervention unifies these case studies into a carefully argued case for the long history of American discrimination against Islamic culture and peoples. One may question the decision to focus on crisis touch-points since rebellions, uprisings, organized resistance to anti-Semitism, and genocide all stand out for their lack of ordinariness.
Oppositional and inflammatory rhetoric go hand-in-hand with geopolitical crises. It does, however, highlight a line of future inquiry. Did anti-Islamic rhetoric lose power in periods of peace or abate in intensity? How did the embodied encounters of American missionaries and humanitarian workers change their own understanding of Islam? What were the reactions of Americans who never left the United States to positive reports about Islam and the Muslim people in missionary reports? The power of civilization discourse in American culture has been noted by historians of gender, race, and diplomacy.
University of Utah Press Fall/Winter Catalog by University of Utah Press - Issuu
Her careful explication of the force and power of anti-Islamic thought as ethnic and religious minorities faced mistreatment does raise questions for additional future study about the self-perception of minority colonial subjects under Ottoman imperial rule. Ultimately, Walther presents a persuasive case for why American history must be situated in world history, and she succeeds in demonstrating the power of anti-Islamic rhetoric and the central role of religion as it intersected with civilizational and anti-Islamic discourse. She seeks to highlight the intimate connections between domestic and international realities, and Sacred Interests decisively illustrates not only why this is the case but how historians should undertake such a task.
I write my response to the H-Diplo Reviews of Sacred Interests: The United States and the Islamic World, with recent events in mind, which include an act of domestic terrorism in Charlottesville, Virginia during a protest held by groups that seek to define U. Historians have responded to these events by attempting to enlighten the public about the more complicated realities of the past, and challenging the simplistic stories and false narratives some have put forward about the United States and its relationships with non-Whites and non-Christians, both at home and abroad.
Of course, attempts to misuse the past for the political ambitions of the present have a longer history. Nineteenth-century American beliefs about Muslims and the Islamic faith shaped important policies and left unfortunate legacies that can still be seen today in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Philippines. Given the topics covered by this book, I am therefore incredibly honored to have my book reviewed by Christopher Dietrich, Michael Limberg and Sarah Miglio and I would like to thank them for the time and effort they put into such thoughtful responses.
I would also like to thank H-Diplo editor Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse, managing editor for organizing the roundtable and Andrew Patrick for introducing the reviewers and providing an overview of their comments and the avenues for future research in our field. The collective work and knowledge of these academics on the history of U. The three reviewers all raise important and valid questions, less about what the book covered, than about what it omitted and how these omissions shaped the overall argument of the book. In writing this book — and more importantly, in editing it down to a semi-manageable size that already forced me to cut the book by over a third — many interactions between the United States and Muslim-majority countries had to be left out of the story.
For the most part, the case studies I chose were the ones that solicited the greatest involvement by Americans at multiple levels of society, and which including both diplomats and non-state actors, working at times together, at other times, side by side. Indeed, as a result of focusing exclusively on such moments, the book overlooks more positive relationships that certainly did exist between Americans and Muslims abroad in circumstances less fraught with violence, imperial repression, war, or justified horror in response to massacres and genocide.
While time, space, and diplomatic impact were certainly central in my choosing these specific case studies, it would be disingenuous to state that such factors were the only ones that led me to focus on these specific moments in history.
Related Essays on Genocide and Humanitarian Intervention (Utah series in Middle East studies)
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved